I DON’T envy Nicola Sturgeon. The captain of the independence ship has more difficult waters to navigate than Cape Horn and the Bermuda Triangle combined.

From one side she is accused of being obsessed with independence. The Daily Mail screams “Nicola won’t take no for an answer”, while Ruth Davidson and Kezia Dugdale – who seem to have hired the same scriptwriter on a job share – urge her to “concentrate on the day job”.

Meanwhile, some folk on her own side claim she’s gone lukewarm on independence. To paraphrase Abraham Lincoln, you can please some of the people some of the time, but you can’t please all of the people all of the time.

Nicola has to precisely calculate at which point the tides and weather systems are at their most advantageous before she starts to steer the ship safely home. If she gets it wrong, the ship could be wrecked and left languishing on the rocks until it is salvaged many years, or even decades, into the future.

On the surface, the waters have never looked more inviting. We’ve an outright Tory majority in the House of Commons, while Labour remains deeply wounded from its bitter civil war – and, so far, shows little sign that it will be able to turn the Corbyn movement into parliamentary power.

The democratic deficit left by the EU referendum is wider than the English Channel. The precious pound that the UK Government insisted that an independent Scotland could never use is sinking fast – and according to George Soros’ former business partner, Jim Rogers, “will fall below the dollar if the Scots leave the UK, taking their oil with them”.

So the arguments for independence have never been clearer or stronger. And if we can’t persuade the 55 per cent now, will we ever?

I’m not privy to all the information, intelligence and expertise that the SNP leadership must have access to. But a party that can hold a conference the size of an Adele concert must have some pretty impressive resources.

I’ve no doubt that they are well aware of all the points I have raised here, and more. As the party in power, the SNP has to juggle its raison d’être with its responsibility to govern Scotland in the interests of the whole electorate, which, as things stand, is split down the middle on independence. And, like it or not, the credibility of independence is tied up with the credibility of the Scottish Government.

The broader Yes movement, including local Yes groups who are revitalising themselves – Women for Independence, Common Weal, the Independence Convention, the Radical Independence Campaign, the other political parties who support independence – cannot hope to match the resources or the professional expertise of the SNP.

That doesn’t mean they have nothing to contribute. At the height of its numerical strength last May, the SNP was unable to win an outright majority of votes in the Scottish election. So, the wider independence movement will be critical to the success of the next referendum, whenever that may be. It also has a strong political contribution to make – constructive criticism can help strengthen the entire movement.

But we won’t win over the 55 per cent who voted No just by shouting louder or waving flags more vigorously. And we won’t take independence one step further forward by accusing lifelong independence campaigners of betraying the cause – especially in the week when a second referendum bill is about to be published.

We all have a responsibility to stop and think: will what I say or do persuade or dissuade others to the cause of independence?

People who voted No can’t be frog-marched along the road to independence. They have to be persuaded. Even those who voted to remain in the EU haven’t automatically jumped into the Yes camp. Many are waiting to see how things work out. They won’t be rushed by impatient voices.

That’s why Nicola Sturgeon is right to go through the process of attempting to get the best deal possible for Scotland from Brexit. If her efforts are in vain, then at least she’s tried – and at that point the ground could shift decisively against the UK Government. Conversely, if she succeeds, the authority of the Scottish Government will be strengthened – and that will galvanise confidence that Scotland is more than capable of taking the big decisions for itself. Either way, the final stages of the Brexit negotiations may well open the door to independence.

We don’t have forever. We need to sustain the enthusiasm of those who brought us to the brink of independence in 2014 as well as bringing those who voted No on board. That’s no easy task.

I happen to think that inspiring people to support independence goes along with inspiring people to imagine a better, more equal society. That, rather than the detail of the SNP’s White Paper, is what inspired former Labour citadels to vote Yes in 2014.

Others, however, fear upheaval and want to be confident that an independent Scottish Government will be competent. It is perfectly logical that the SNP should seek to build a reputation for efficiency in government and hold on to power. This is not antithetical to the cause of independence.

A downturn in the SNP’s popularity will reduce support for independence – and if they lose office before a second referendum, then we can say goodbye to independence in our lifetimes.

It is absolutely right that we continue to debate more radical ideas of how to fashion Scotland. Closing down such discussion until after independence has been achieved would be a recipe for haemorrhaging support, especially among young people and within working-class communities.

But those of us who support independence because we want to build a more progressive and egalitarian Scotland also need to face up to the fact that if we blow it – whether through impatience or delaying too long – we are likely to be locked into a dry, barren and isolated UK, formed in a frenzy of xenophobia, for decades to come.