AS scare stories go, Brexit is perhaps the most terrifying. It has destroyed confidence in the UK Government, brought down one prime minister in Theresa May and installed another in Boris Johnson.

It has seen big companies like Dyson – run by a man who championed leaving the EU – take steps to move their headquarters from the UK.

It has given rise to the Brexit Party and the right, it’s threatened the future of universities, scientific research, commerce and family life for those born elsewhere in the EU.

And, three years on from the vote, we are still no closer to establishing what the terms of withdrawal will be or what life in post-Brexit Britain will look like.

Farming, fishing, exports, human rights rules, even peace in Northern Ireland – there are no answers on any of these questions.

And that, the Unionist argument goes, shows why Scotland should never again seek independence – it’s simply too hard to disentangle long-standing legal frameworks governing law, trade and the movement of people.

But the big problem of Brexit is that the UK Government had no blueprint for leaving when they asked the public to go to the polls, having given them a matter of weeks to consider the question. That’s because they expected to win a Remain majority, and so all of the thinking on these crucial matters of day-to-day living and national security is only being done now.

And that’s why it’s all such a guddle.

They say breaking up is hard to do, but that really depends on the way you go about it. Brexit is the clearest example possible of the wrong way.

When Scotland voted on its future in 2014, it did so following a lengthy period of nuanced debate which generated never-before-seen levels of political engagement and got the public thinking – and, crucially, talking – about what kind of country they wanted Scotland to be.

That’s given rise to all kinds of things, including a laudable network of community projects aimed at connecting people and lifting them up, such as Back to School banks.

And since that result, we’ve seen a sizeable shift in voters moving from No to Yes, on account of the broken Westminster promises.

That level of engagement means we’re better placed to hold politicians to account and to set out what we want for the future of our country and our people.

That means our families, our neighbours and our colleagues – it’s about all of us.

It could be argued that independence for Scotland is the opposite of Brexit. The country has already made it clear that it wants to remain part of Europe and be, like most of the continent’s nations, an independent state within the world’s largest single market.

It has also roundly rejected the two biggest pro-Union parties, with support for both the Tories and Labour freefalling at the most recent elections.

Independence supporters are often accused of Scottish exceptionalism, of wrongly thinking the country is free of social problems or superior to others.

But Unionist arguments often present this same exceptionalism in another form – that Scotland, uniquely in the world, is incapable of governing its own affairs, running its own economy and thriving.

Most countries that were once under British rule have already achieved full sovereignty – Ireland, Australia, the US, Canada, New Zealand, India, Singapore, Malta.

In fact, more than 60 states have done so.

And none is seeking to return to Westminster rule.

Some of these have populations in line with Scotland’s, others are larger but have less developed economies, lesser natural capital and educational establishments that are further down the international rankings.

If they can do it, so can we.

WHAT TO SAY

Independence has been achieved many times – Brexit is the result of an ill-prepared government scrabbling to cope with questions it hadn’t even bothered to consider. There is no reason Scottish independence would go the same way. In fact, we are better prepared for change than Westminster already.

This article is part of our BUSTED supplement, debunking nine Unionist myths about Scottish independence. It was made possible by support for our 10,000 Steps campaign – if you haven't yet subscribed to The National, click here to find out how it'll help us boost the case for Yes directly.​