FRANCE is currently experiencing a wave of protests and civil unrest following the tragic killing of 17-year-old Nahel by a police officer.

The incident, which was captured on video and widely shared, has sparked outrage and rekindled long-standing social tensions.

This isn’t the first time France has witnessed large-scale protests that sometimes turned violent.

In fact, this marks the third major wave of demonstrations during President Macron’s time in office. From the initial “gilets jaunes” protests that originated as a fuel tax protest to the heated controversies surrounding pension reforms, the ongoing protests have escalated to an unprecedented level.

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Spanning nearly a week, they have led to the burning of numerous vehicles, widespread damage to shops and public buildings, and the arrest of thousands of individuals.

Understanding the significance of these protests requires recognising the reality of the banlieues.

These suburban areas were developed between the 1950s and 1970s as new towns to accommodate a growing workforce, including migrants from France’s former colonies in North and West Africa.

While the banlieues have nurtured some of France’s most talented individuals in fields like art, academia, and sports, they also face challenges such as poverty, exclusion, substandard housing, and inadequate investment.

Unfortunately, these areas often remain marginalised and overlooked

It is troubling that we often only pay attention to the issues in the suburbs when a truly tragic event occurs. The youth in these marginalised communities, feeling unheard and marginalised, resort to riots as a desperate way to draw attention to their struggles.

Would Nahel’s death have received the same level of attention without the revolts happening in cities across France?

This situation reminds me of a similar tragedy in 2005 when three innocent teenagers, aged 15 to 17, were chased by the police for no apparent reason after playing football together.

They sought refuge in an electricity substation, resulting in the electrocution of two of them, Zyed Benna and Bouna Traoré, while the third, Muhittin Altun, suffered severe burns and lasting injuries.

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The aftermath of these incidents was equally disheartening. Instead of focusing on the unjust deaths of these young individuals, the narrative quickly shifted to the victims’ backgrounds.

This approach conveniently absolved the system of any accountability and portrayed the victims in a negative light, almost suggesting that they were responsible for their own fate.

Of particular note was the insensitive remark made by Nicolas Sarkozy, who was the interior minister at the time and later won the presidential election, callously stating, “If you have nothing to hide, then you don’t run when you see the police.”

The rise in incidents of police brutality is a troubling reality that cannot be ignored

In France, young men who are perceived to be of Black or North African descent face an alarming 20 times higher rate of police identity checks compared to the rest of the population, according to a report by the Defender of Rights.

There is a persistent denial of the systemic racism deeply ingrained within the French policing system for many years.

France, based on the admirable and important principle that all individuals are equal under the Republic regardless of their skin colour, gender, or religion, often struggles to acknowledge the specific challenges and obstacles faced by certain segments of its population on a daily basis.

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When the UN recently stated that the recent incident provided an opportunity for France to reflect on institutional racism within the police, the French government promptly issued a statement denying the existence of institutional racism in the police force.

Perhaps this reluctance to explore the underlying cause of the latest tragedy stems from short-term thinking by politicians who prefer the easy solution of increasing police presence and implementing stricter controls, rather than addressing the systemic roots of violence.

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Truly addressing this issue requires political will and engaging the right individuals, organisations and institutions in meaningful discussions.

It is crucial to recognise that this problem extends beyond the police force, although the police certainly have questions to answer regarding the use of violence and the demeaning practice of constant stop-and-search, which disproportionately affects marginalised communities.

France has witnessed a disturbing proliferation of racist discourse, especially during the 2022 presidential election campaign, where far-right candidate Éric Zemmour received significant media coverage as he launched attacks against immigrants, refugees and Muslims. Marine Le Pen, another far-right figure, has been gaining support.

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Government ministers, notably Gérald Darmanin, the Interior Minister who is often referred to as “France’s first cop,” have employed inflammatory language that rolls out the red carpet for far-right ideologies.

In 2020, Darmanin used the term “ensauvagement” (the process of becoming savage) to describe what he saw as a tendency of a segment of French society, a term that carries racist undertones and is associated with far-right rhetoric.

Recently, two police unions, representing a significant portion of the French police force, declared themselves to be at war with “vermin” and “savage hordes,” drawing criticism from left-leaning politicians. Such language and rhetoric further exacerbate tensions and contribute to a climate of hostility and division.

The National: Marine Le PenMarine Le Pen (Image: Getty Images)

And now, Jean Messiha, who has served as an advisor to both Le Pen and Zemmour, has initiated a crowdfunding campaign in support of the police officer who is being investigated for the murder of Nahel.

Messiha claims that the officer was simply “doing his job.” Shockingly, the campaign has raised more than one million euros – five times more than the fundraiser for Nahel’s mother. This situation fills me with shame, anger, and fear for the future of our society.

The need for action is long overdue.

I must confess that I have become somewhat desensitised

I no longer watch videos of police violence. What is the point? There is nothing new to uncover.

For decades, voices have been denouncing the violence experienced by Black and North African communities in the suburbs. We find ourselves trapped in the same cycle because we refuse to engage in the necessary conversations.

Youth workers in the suburbs consistently share similar stories about the struggles faced by young people living in poorly maintained and overcrowded flats. They highlight the closure of youth centres one after another, the lack of role models, the absence of family support, and the absence of promising opportunities.

I find it concerning that the topics of giving hope to young people and implementing prevention measures are rarely discussed.

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These aspects are crucial for addressing the challenges faced by youth in these communities and providing them with better outcomes.

If I could offer one piece of advice to France, it would be to seek inspiration from successful initiatives implemented in other countries. France should particularly look towards Scotland and examine the extraordinary achievements of the Scottish Violence Reduction Unit.

Placing a strong emphasis on prevention measures is so incredibly important.

This way, not only can we tackle the root causes of social issues, but we can also, finally, talk about what the police needs to be and how it needs to change.