Jim Cuthbert, a former chief statistician for the Scottish Office, is the author of a new Common Weal report on PFI
TWO of the main downsides of PFI, and other forms of public private partnership (PPP), have become increasingly apparent in the years since the use of these forms of partnership became widespread in the UK.
On the one hand, in many schemes, the equity investors are able to extract eye-watering and clearly excessive profits by selling their equity stakes soon after the construction phase of the project is completed. But on the other hand, it is depressingly common for other PFI schemes to fail, or hit major problems. What the evidence shows is that these two features were actually inevitable, given the way PFI was set up.
The whole point of PFI was to enable the public sector to procure capital assets – such as new schools, hospitals, roads – without this expenditure appearing ‘on the books’ of the government. In other words, the relevant expenditure had to be counted as current expenditure, rather than public sector capital expenditure, according to the rules of national accounting.
To achieve this, two main features had to be built into the design of PFI and other PPPs. First of all, the provision of the capital asset had to be bundled in with the provision of services. So, for example, the Government was not buying a hospital, but contracting to receive the services of a fully maintained facility for a 30-year period.
Secondly, it had to appear that a substantial amount of risk was being transferred to the private sector providers of the bundled service. If these two requirements could be seen to be met, then the national accountants would classify the unitary charge – which the public sector would pay for 30-years to get provision of the serviced asset – as current expenditure by the government. Therefore, the building of the asset would not appear on the government’s books.
READ: PFI - The disaster we should have seen coming
These two features, bundling and risk transfer, inevitably meant that a substantial risk premium will be paid to the equity owners of the company delivering the project, over the 25 or 30-year life of the project. It is this feature, the payment of a substantial risk premium over an extended period, which makes the twin downsides of PFI/PPP inevitable.
The reasons for this are technical and are explained in the paper. But, effectively, if the equity owners of a PFI/PPP project come to the secondary PFI market to sell their equity stake, what they will receive will be what is known as the net present value of the projected stream of equity returns, calculated at a particular discount rate – where the discount rate in question is the rate of return the secondary market buyer is seeking on their investment.
So what is critical in determining secondary market behaviour is the slope of the net present value function at different discount rates. What the paper shows is how paying a substantial risk premium over an extended period implies a steeply sloping net present value function.
This generates huge returns in the secondary market if things appear to be going well with the project – but a sudden collapse in value if problems appear. This accounts for both of the observed features with PFI: excessive profits in some schemes, and failure in others.
These problems should have been apparent when PFI was being set up, but were missed.
More importantly, solving the problems involves a fundamental re-design, which takes out of the system the long-term payment of a substantial risk premium to equity holders. Neither the English redesign of PFI, PFI2, nor Scottish initiatives – like the non-profit distributing scheme and the hub approach – have achieved this.
Why are you making commenting on The National only available to subscribers?
We know there are thousands of National readers who want to debate, argue and go back and forth in the comments section of our stories. We’ve got the most informed readers in Scotland, asking each other the big questions about the future of our country.
Unfortunately, though, these important debates are being spoiled by a vocal minority of trolls who aren’t really interested in the issues, try to derail the conversations, register under fake names, and post vile abuse.
So that’s why we’ve decided to make the ability to comment only available to our paying subscribers. That way, all the trolls who post abuse on our website will have to pay if they want to join the debate – and risk a permanent ban from the account that they subscribe with.
The conversation will go back to what it should be about – people who care passionately about the issues, but disagree constructively on what we should do about them. Let’s get that debate started!
Callum Baird, Editor of The National
Comments: Our rules
We want our comments to be a lively and valuable part of our community - a place where readers can debate and engage with the most important local issues. The ability to comment on our stories is a privilege, not a right, however, and that privilege may be withdrawn if it is abused or misused.
Please report any comments that break our rules.
Read the rules hereLast Updated:
Report this comment Cancel