THE Scotland before and after the Govan by-election on March 10 1988 were two different places. The constitutional issue that had lain dormant since the failed referendum in 1979 became a potent political factor once again.

The SNP faced a formidable task in Govan. Because it was held responsible for bringing down the Labour government, letting Thatcher in, it was despised across Scotland. That was reflected in the low vote in 1987.

READ MORE: The 1988 Govan by-election win helped the independence fight, says Jim Sillars

While Labour had polled 24,071 votes, Alliance 4562, Tories 4411, the SNP was fourth above the Communist with 3851. It looked impossible, and few at the start, outside myself, Alex Neil and Allison Hunter the election agent, believed we could win. The best that nationalists could hope for was to see some signs of recovery in our vote, with a reduced Labour majority. But Labour was vulnerable. It had won 50 out of 59 seats in 1987, yet was powerless as Margaret Thatcher’s deindustrialisation policies devastated the central belt. “The feeble fifty” was the label Alex Salmond planted on the party, and it stuck.

Labour was also vulnerable on the poll tax, where it set its face against a popular uprising of non-payment – the only way to stop and destroy it.

The inability of Scots political power to protect our people from the job losses that were an everyday event as factory after factory closed, and as the hated poll tax was being levied, enabled the SNP to bring home to people right across Scotland, through the campaign, the need to change our position in the power equation that is the United Kingdom. Electing a majority of anti-Tory Scots MPs had clearly failed. Constitutional change was the only way to alter our nation’s position.

But if there was to be an earthquake that shifted all the pieces, then the SNP had not only to do well, but had to win. Three days before the vote, the opinion polls showed Labour at 53% and SNP at 33%. By then we knew we would win.

Soon after the result, with Labour knowing if it was to survive it had to move towards some form of devolution. Non-party groups, saw the result as their opportunity to demand constitutional change. The upshot was a meeting to discuss the way forward. It was not a happy one. Labour could not hide the deep resentment it felt about the SNP; and although there were others there, the fact was the non-political groups were pretty much pro-Labour.

At the end of that meeting, the SNP was offered three seats in a 100 member Constitutional Convention, provided that we would agree before any meetings took place, to accept any decision that was reached, and, by the way, independence would not be on the agenda. We understood that, at that time, independence would not get a majority, but being denied the chance to argue it was unacceptable. So the SNP refused to take part. We were bitterly attacked, but we were determined to keep independence as an option before the people.

The refusal to take part in that convention brought the SNP a great deal of disapproval in the media and elsewhere. We were accused of being willing to block the way to devolution. Too fundamental for the good of Scotland, and so on. But devolution was not our policy. We would not stand in the way of it coming about, but we did not think that it could compare with independence.

I believed then, and believe now, that by sticking to our policy of independence, and not being willing to compromise on it, we did this nation a service.

Throughout this article I have written about “we” winning the Govan by-election, not I. That is not a false modesty. I was the candidate, but the win was due to the skill, energy, belief and commitment of the SNP members who were the campaign. There is a direct line between what happened in Govan, the creation of the Holyrood Parliament, the 2014 gain of 45%, and the continued drive for independence. It was Scotland that won in Govan, not just the SNP.