WHILE this year’s election was destined to be defined by independence, the urgency of recovery from the pandemic means that plans for “the day job” are more important than at any previous Holyrood contest.

Covid has also forced a moment of policy renewal. The enormous government response to the pandemic has changed perceptions about what is politically possible – offering a useful opportunity for a party hoping for it’s fourth term in government to reset some of its approaches.

The SNP manifesto is radical and ambitious, incorporating transformative big picture plans alongside smaller but eye-catching “motherhood and apple-pie” pledges – quite literally, with plans to improve every play park and to create community orchards.

Running through these plans is a very modern vision of what government should be: green, feminist, progressive and community-focused.

For frontline public services, there are big spending commitments for the NHS and on teacher numbers – all welcome.

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What is more interesting is a renewed vision of what the role of government should be in the 21st century. Big government is back – but not as we knew it.

As the left-wing activist Alistair Davidson has argued: “Sturgeon’s social democratic policy has been more focused on caring, families and women than we’re used to in this country.”

That is typified by the introduction of a National Care Service, an appropriate response to the pandemic that will stand as one of the single most significant policy changes since devolution.

This is just one of the major pledges that are essentially traditional social democratic interventions – including the creation of a National Pharmaceutical Agency, the nationalisation of ScotRail and the abolition of NHS dentistry charges.

Underlining this approach is the SNP’s embrace of the two complementary principles of a universal basic income and of universal basic services – ensuring a minimum standard of living both financially and by the provision of good-quality public services.

Universal basic services is in many ways an extension of the SNP’s existing commitment to universalism, with pledges to expand free school meals and bus travel building on existing provision. But these should also be thought about as tackling the overall cost of living, meaning that other issues – crucially housing – are also key.

The party’s pledge on private rents will not satisfy campaigners for a national system of rent controls but the rental market varies enormously across the country. Giving councils real powers to bring in local rent controls could be transformative and follows the recommendations made by the Progressive Policy Research Group (PPRG), of which I am a member.

Other action on the cost of living is focused on support for families and young people. Wrap-around childcare, the doubling of the Scottish Child Payment, action to reduce the cost of the school day and free digital devices are just some of the measures that make up a package of support that could be genuinely life-changing.

This is an inherently feminist approach which, alongside other commitments to tackle the “motherhood penalty” in incomes and to improve women’s health, places the material inequalities faced by women at the heart of the SNP’s agenda.

There are, of course, limits to what the Scottish Government can do under devolution. But this is increasingly being seen as a challenge to overcome, rather than an outright limit on ambition.

The manifesto commits to begin work delivering a minimum income guarantee and to fund private sector trials of a four-day week – both policies impossible to implement in full at present, but giving a tantalising insight into the party’s vision for independence.

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A minimum income falls short of a full universal basic income, although this is no bad thing. There are enormous challenges in implementing one, even with full control of tax and social security. The PPRG’s first policy paper, published last year, argued that a guaranteed minimum income was a simpler and more progressive approach, and it is welcome that the SNP wish to pursue this.

Of course, no manifesto will be without its limitations or its detractors. Policies on gender recognition and prostitution will be contentious. In the event that the party fails to win a majority then some proposals, such as exciting new plans to advance land reform, may need strengthened to win cross-party support. Likewise, the pledge to reform the council tax is important but experience suggests that building consensus on a viable replacement will be difficult.

Turning Scotland’s renewable energy potential into jobs and industry will be one such challenge. This is an acutely important issue in a country facing a declining oil and gas sector. There is clearly cross-party political will to achieve this but solutions will require focus and imagination in the early years of the next parliament. The Minister for Just Transition, promised in this manifesto, will be one of the most important jobs in government.

Dan Paris is a member of the Progressive Policy Research Group and previously worked for the SNP