EARLIER this month, the Scottish Independence Convention and the International Commission of European Citizens organised a conference of Europe’s independence movements.
Activists from Greenland, the Faroes, Scotland, Wales, Ireland, Northumbria, Galicia, Flanders, the Veneto, Sardinia, Sicily, South Tyrol, Catalonia and the Basque Country all came together in Edinburgh to discuss progressing the cause of independence for all.
I’m hoping to speak to a number of those in attendance with one question in mind; what next?
What can Scotland learn from other independent movements, as ours goes through a transition period?
Nick Peeters, 28, from Flanders is the first to tackle the million-dollar question.
Peeters is a historian, director of the Flemish People’s Movement and chief editor of its newspaper ONAF. He is also an active member of the Flemish Peace Movement (VOS) and the Language Action Committee (TAK).
He told me his main aim is to contribute to the discourse on the unification of all democratic formations that strive for an independent Flemish republic.
“Even though I sympathised with the Flemish movement since secondary school, I only became actively involved in the movement while being a student at the Catholic University of Leuven.
“After becoming a volunteer for the Flemish Peace Organisation (VOS), I quickly found my way to other organisations with a bigger focus on current day issues that the Flemish will keep encountering as long as the Belgian state remains in its current form.”
Flanders is a region in the north of Belgium. Belgium is a federal parliamentary democracy, with three regions, each having its own parliament and government, exercising certain powers within their jurisdiction, granted following a series of state reforms.
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Political divisions combined with cultural and linguistic differences, have seen a rise in calls for independence since World War Two, however, support for full on independence is not as high as it is in Scotland.
Peeters said many in the Flemish nationalist movement were thrilled to hear about results of a recent poll I pointed to which showed support for Flemish independence at nearly 40%, however he called it an “outlier” in comparison to the most recent surveys that indicate that support for immediate Flemish independence hovers around 15%.
He added: “There is more significant and continuous backing for increased regional autonomy as around 35% of Flemish voters support delegating more powers to the regions when specifically questioned about this.
“During the most recent regional elections the parties that openly advocate for independence gained almost 50% of the votes.
“The New Flemish Alliance (N-VA) and Vlaams Belang now take up half of the seats in our regional parliament, showing that the goal of our movement is gaining traction. It is now up to us to try and make sure these numbers remain the same and continue growing to ensure that real progress can be made.”
The N-VA is currently the largest party in Flanders and has been a major force in Belgian politics.
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While not explicitly calling for immediate independence, it advocates for confederalism and greater Flemish autonomy, with the long-term goal of an independent Flemish state.
It has formed a coalition with the social-democratic and Christian-democratic parties, and played a part in delivering the current Minister-President of the Flemish Government, Matthias Diependaele.
The N-VA is not currently part of the federal coalition government.
Are the Flemish and Scottish movements similar?
Peeters said the Flemish movement shares “some common ground with the Scottish independence movement”, adding: “We both seek greater autonomy and self-governance for our respective regions, operating within the context of a larger state, and we both advocate for a redefinition of our relationship with the central government.”
Peeters added: “Despite these similarities, there are also notable differences: for the Flemish there is a focus on a gradual transformation of Belgium into a confederal state, with the hope of eventually gaining Flemish independence. In contrast, the Scottish independence movement has pursued a more direct path to full independence through referendums.
“Next, while the Scottish independence movement is strongly pro-EU, most Flemish nationalists could be described as Eurosceptic. This difference might affect how Flemish nationalists view the Scottish cause, especially in the context of Brexit.”
Given these factors, Peeters said the Flemish impression of the Scottish independence movement in 2024 could be summarized as one of cautious interest: “The progress of other independence movements is in a sense always a test case for regional independence within the EU context”.
So, what can Scotland learn from Flanders?
Peeters said that although Scotland has already achieved a degree of devolution through the Scottish Parliament, we could “potentially seek further powers or even independence, drawing inspiration from Flanders’ gradual expansion of autonomy”.
He added: “Secondly, concerning economic development, Flanders has always had a steady focus on education and innovation. Great investments have been made to support our universities, research, and high-tech industries.
“Also, realising the value of international trade, Flanders has made efforts concerning the leveraging of its ports to become a major centrally-located logistics hub. Scotland could potentially emulate this focus on developing knowledge-based industries and maximizing its strategic position for trade.
“Lastly, on a cultural level, the Flemish movement has worked to preserve its heritage, whilst at the same time it promotes a contemporary image of Flanders internationally. Scotland already has a strong cultural identity, but could potentially draw from Flanders’ efforts to balance tradition with modernity in its cultural promotion."
Peeters said the connection with Europe that Scotland continues to foster could be seen with the meeting of movements earlier this month.
Concluding, the interview Peeters added a thank you to the organisers in Scotland.
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