Elections aren't the only time the SNP should put independence first

But October is not so far away and the SNP administration, far from prioritising independence, is mired in the controversy over the hate crime legislation.

Whatever the arguments for and against the new legislation, it is not most voters’ priority at this economic juncture, and the extra workload on the police was all too predictable. If the FM is truly serious about re-energising the independence campaign – and I trust he is – then we need to see some hard evidence. It might therefore be worth recasting the arguments for independence in the light of current political necessities.

Simply crying “freedom!” is not enough, I fully accept. But the SNP administration has come perilously close to divorcing its concern for everyday good government from the strategic case for independence.

It is as if there is a minimum and maximum programme, with immediate reforms pursued by the Scottish Government and independence relegated to election time.

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But such a political separation is dangerous. It leaves the SNP (and so the indy case) vulnerable to the Scottish Government’s shortcomings, never mind publicity disasters such the ferries and the Hate Crime Act. It also leaves the broader independence movement leaderless for much of the time.

And it allows the enemies of Scottish self-determination the latitude to attack our core demand with minimum riposte. Thus Scottish Labour can drool on about the constitutional question being a diversion when, in fact, it is Labour’s devotion to Unionism that has imposed upon Scotland 14 years of Tory economic incompetence.

So how to link immediate politics at Holyrood with the campaign for independence? Start with the economy. It should have been the SNP government’s strict priority. As it is, Ernst & Young is forecasting that the Scottish economy will grow by a mere 0.7% in 2024. The Fraser of Allander Institute at Strathclyde University is less optimistic, forecasting 0.6%.

Delve down into the data and things look even bleaker. For comparison, that’s a half or a third weaker than comparable small economies in Europe. In December, 31% of businesses in Scotland reported a decrease in monthly turnover, with only 21% saying turnover was up.

This was not a blip. It was the fourth consecutive month where more businesses reported a fall than a rise. And manufacturing had the largest proportion reporting a decrease (44%).

Of course, under the limitations imposed by the Union, by Tory incompetence and by restrictions on Holyrood’s control over the Scottish economy, it is difficult for the Scottish Government to reverse these trends. But that is precisely the point. The Scottish Government should be presenting a plan for growing the economy and mobilising business, trade unions and public opinion around it.

Where Unionist, Westminster and Treasury rules prevent the plan’s implementation, that should trigger a campaign for more economic powers – up to and including independence. That way we link the indy fight with the day-to-day economic fight.

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Let me make this more concrete. The SNP government should prepare a five-year plan for economic expansion, with a target of upping annual GDP growth to around 3%.

Yes, that’s getting on for five times where we are at the moment.

This plan should be prepared in discussions with business, unions and local authorities. I would even put the main priorities of the plan to a national referendum, to win popular support. That would also put Labour and the Tories on the defensive. Government agencies such as Scottish Enterprise and the Scottish National Investment Bank would be ordered to implement the plan’s directive.

Of course, it is likely the UK Treasury would interfere. We would be told Scotland is not allowed to borrow and invest.. The Tory press in London would complain about high taxes on the rich – we definitely need a wealth tax to secure higher levels of investment in Scotland, to up productivity growth.

But my point is that the indy debate would now be about economic substance in the here and now. Voters would be confronted with the political reality that we cannot do anything significant about the cost of living or jobs without local control of the economy.

We can extend this strategy. Much of Scottish industry has been bought by foreign interests and asset stripped. This goes a long way to explaining our poor economic growth and low wages.

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You can shout about Scotland’s green economy but the profits from our renewable power sector go abroad. We need to own the ground and factories and wind generators in Scotland – but we don’t.

What’s under your very feet is largely owned by foreign banks, shareholders, investment funds and billionaires. The Scottish Government has a degree of power to change that and should be mobilising public support in that direction.

A case in point is the oil refinery at Grangemouth (below), “owned” by Ineos and a Chinese state bank, and now threatened with closure – so Ineos can expand oil and petrochemical refining in Franceon the continent.

The SNP government should be leading a massive public campaign to save Grangemouth. So, for that matter, should Scottish Labour, if it is serious about protecting Scottish jobs. However, apart from platitudes, it has been left to Alba MP Kenny MacAskill to defend Grangemouth jobs.

There is still time to save Grangemouth. SNP MPs could bring Westminster legislation and committees to a standstill to force UK intervention to prevent the closure of the refinery. Gosh, it would even be popular. And it would link the demand for economic self-government with the demand for independence. Indy is also about giving ordinary folk in Scotland a bigger say (and stake) in how they are governed.

Alas, independence in recent years has been presented as something very abstract. But the way we raise support for independence is by increasing the popular hunger for self-management and popular control at all levels – starting now.

Instead of centralising everything – police, health care, education – we should be decentralising. More power should be devolved to local government immediately. This should be accompanied by giving local citizens more direct say in how council budgets are spent in their neighbourhoods.

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Independence is not about saltires – it is about pushing decision-making as far down as possible. I’m not preaching utopia here. I’m concerned that the movement has become captured by a mindset that confines independence campaigning to episodic electioneering.

This leaves Holyrood to spend its time – no matter how well meaning – in what amounts to virtue signalling. And that opens our flank to Labour attacks that we are ignoring real issues, such as the economy and the local government crisis.

Labour, of course, are bankrupt of practical solutions. But a radical independence movement should have lots to say about how we want to reform Scotland. Independence is a tool, not an end in itself.

Will we see you on the Grangemouth picket line, First Minister?