ALMOST 65 years ago, in February 1960, British prime minister Harold Macmillan gave his famous “winds of change” speech in an address to the South African Parliament.

In it, he predicted the inevitability of the end of colonialism and the burgeoning of independent and free nations across the African continent: “The wind of change is blowing through this continent. Whether we like it or not, this growth of national consciousness is a political fact.”

Macmillan was astute enough to recognise that once it takes root, “national consciousness” is unstoppable. That argument goes much wider than its application to the end of colonialism. The wind of change has been a constant factor in the way in which the world and nation states have emerged, changed and developed in the decades since that speech was made.

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The collapse of the Soviet Bloc and subsequent realignment of Eastern Europe; the restoration of independence for the Baltic States; changes in the composition of central Asia; and the results wrought through conflict and bloodshed in the Far East in Vietnam, Cambodia and Myanmar. In all of these examples the concept of national consciousness has played a key part.

National consciousness, though, can be used to achieve both positive and negative outcomes. Just look at the example much closer to home with the Brexit referendum. National consciousness was used as a cover for self-interest and isolationism and we are now living with the dire consequences. From having a leading say in the events which have shaped Europe over decades, the UK now stands excluded from the camp, only occasionally being let in but constantly viewed with both suspicion and pity.

Brexit was, and will remain, a monumental example of self-harm.

Just over a fortnight ago, many of us recalled the heady days of our own joyous manifestation of national consciousness during the build-up to the 2014 referendum.

At the time, I was living some 3500 miles away in Washington DC, working in the Scottish Government’s US office based in the British Embassy in that city, but even there we were caught up in the infectious enthusiasm that was on display all across Scotland.

I well remember being invited to participate in a live PBS broadcast on the Diane Rehm Show, where I was pitted against the redoubtable Jim Naughtie. During the brief walk from the green room to the studio, in passing conversation with the show’s producer I casually asked how big the audience was.

“Oh, the average is about 12.5 million,” she said. I couldn’t believe my luck, more than double the population of Scotland was going to hear the case for Scotland’s independence.

Of course the Brits were furious with me when I returned to the embassy because I had participated in the show without their prior knowledge. While it was seemingly OK for the ambassador to witter on about the “break-up of my country” in the media at every opportunity, my right to speak publicly, in whatever forum, was subject to intense scrutiny.

I even had to cancel a talk I had planned to give to members of the church I attended. One law for them, another for the rest of us.

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In the aftermath of the 2014 referendum and the subsequent wasted years, it can be all too easy to fall into despair.

My view, though is that the central tenet of Macmillan’s argument still holds true – that the growth of national consciousness is a political fact. Once it has been established it is unstoppable. It is the pace at which it achieves results that is variable.

If we look at Scotland and the world as it is today, there is much about which to be positive. Almost 60 nations have diplomatic representation here. That in itself is an acknowledgment that even under the current UK constitutional arrangements, Scotland has its own unique identity.

If you travel or live aboard, you very quickly find that there is a fascination with Scotland among those whom you meet and it goes well beyond the familiar tartan, haggis and shortbread representations.

People find Scotland and the Scots intriguing and, more often than not, we are warmly welcomed overseas. Just look at the reception which the Tartan Army received in Germany this past summer for proof of that.

A central plank of the Alba Party’s independence strategy is to garner international support for the restoration of Scotland’s independence. We are doing this through two primary routes.

On the international stage the party leadership is taking every opportunity to engage with leading figures and institutions to broaden their understanding of what we are trying to achieve.

And, quietly behind the scenes, we are establishing relationships with key individuals and government representatives so that when the time comes, as it will come, international support will be forthcoming.

Neale Hanvey, while an MP, commissioned an opinion from Professor Robert McCorquodale, the United Nations’ current “go-to” international lawyer.

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It is well worth a read because it shows both the importance and the limitations of international law and global solidarity.

Scotland has many friends anxious to help but they cannot win our independence for us. That mandate has to be re-won in Scotland by a political party or parties who are the “real deal” on independence. The 2026 Scottish Parliament elections are the first, best opportunity to do just that.

Scotland’s relationship with the rest of the world will only realise its maximum potential when we become an independent nation state and join the community of nations. We have so much to contribute, and the world needs Scotland.

The day is coming when the late Winnie Ewing’s rallying call will come to fruition: “Stop the world, Scotland wants to get on.”

Daniel Jack is a member of the Alba Party NEC and was a Scottish Government counsellor in Washington DC from 2013-16